Thursday 13 June 2019

Interrogating Commemoration: Reconciling women’s ‘troubled’ and ‘troubling’ history in centennial Ireland

Please do not use the contents of this blog in public presentations and media work (including in radio/television interviews, documentaries and newspaper pieces) without the prior permission of the author and without assigning credit to the author. Normal citation rules apply in academic publication. This blog is an excerpt from a longer working paper, which can be downloaded here https://www.maynoothuniversity.ie/social-sciences-institute/working-papers

Citation: Linda Connolly, “Interrogating Commemoration: Reconciling women’s ‘troubled’ and ‘troubling’ history in centennial Ireland,” Maynooth University Social Sciences Institute, Working Paper Series, no. 9 (Maynooth: Maynooth University, June, 2019).



Interrogating Commemoration:
Reconciling women’s ‘troubled’ and ‘troubling’ history in centennial Ireland


Ireland is in the throes of a decade of commemoration. The process of commemorating the tumultuous revolutionary events that led to the establishment of the Irish State a century ago has incorporated Government sponsorship of events, public debate, cultural interventions and exciting new academic scholarship on the period of revolution. The outputs of the first stage of the government’s ‘Decade of Centenaries’ program 1912-1916 – including conferences, books, studies, concerts, documentaries, public events and drama – were most impressive. The national commemoration of the Easter Rising of 1916, for instance, was notable for its sensitive and rich cultural content. In the arena of scholarship, access to new historical sources including those available free and online (such as the Bureau of Military History collection) as well as academic engagement projects (such as the ‘Women of the South’ Project in the Farmgate Café in the English Market, in Cork city)  have inspired a new generation of interdisciplinary scholars to study the Irish Revolution and generated a new conception of ‘public history’. The second phase of the program, for 1917-22, is covering the War of Independence, the Civil War and the Partition of the island in the state’s formation, north and south. This stage also included a series of events to mark the hundred-year anniversary of votes for women in 2018.
Building on earlier work (such as Ward 1995), new academic scholarship on the achievement of votes for women and the critical role women played in the Irish Revolutionary period has emerged in the decade of centenaries (McDiarmid 2015, Paseta 2013). Recent research has also addressed the neglected question of the violence women experienced (such as, forced hair cutting/shearing and sexual assault) in the period covering the War of Independence and the Civil War (Connolly 2019) – including the thorny question of violence against women perpetrated by members of the national army. The violence of the revolution was not just a war between men. A more complete picture of women’s experience during and after the revolution has consolidated.
The comprehensive erosion of women’s rights that occurred in the public sphere as well as the crucial social and economic work women performed in the household, the workplace, the Church and civic organisations in the post-independence period has also been well documented and acknowledged in important texts focusing on women’s work and agency (Connolly 2003, Daly 1997). The Government’s ‘Vótail 100’ program commemorated women’s participation in institutional politics in the course of the last century in a number of events and a pop up museum that represented women’s history through ephemera was curated by Sinéad McCoole.  However, some very disturbing scandals and historical abuses in women’s lives have also come to light in Ireland in the last twenty years in the midst of these initiatives. Punitive institutions that existed in the period of revolution and consolidated after independence have come to prominence through public State inquiries, investigative journalism and survivor testimony of abuse in more recent decades. In 2013, for instance, the Irish Taoiseach apologised on behalf of the State to the women who were incarcerated in Magdalen laundries that existed until the late 20th century:
I, as Taoiseach, on behalf of the State, the Government and our citizens deeply regret and apologise unreservedly to all those women for the hurt that was done to them, and for any stigma they suffered, as a result of the time they spent in a Magdalene laundry. The McAleese report shines a bright and necessary light on a dark chapter of Ireland’s history.
Historical injustices that were perpetrated in State-funded, religious-run institutions in Ireland and concealed at the time have been documented some years later in a number of State inquiries and reports (including, the Ryan Report of 2009, the McAleese Report of 2013 and the 2019 Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Mother and Baby Homes). O’Sullivan and O’Donnell (2012) provided an overview of the incarceration of tens of thousands of men, women and children during the first fifty years of Irish independence. Psychiatric hospitals, mother and baby homes, Magdalen laundries, reformatory and industrial schools, formed a network of institutions of ‘coercive confinement’ that was integral to the emerging State. In 2014, the horrific reality of Ireland’s State-funded, Church-run mother and baby homes came to light when the local historian Catherine Corless discovered a mass grave at the home located in Tuam. Approximately 35,000 women went through Ireland’s nine mother and baby homes between 1904 and 1996, where it is estimated 6,000 babies and children died.
According to Shelton (2019) “history is replete with episodes of genocide, slavery, torture, forced conversions, and mass expulsions of peoples.”  As a consequence, several states and societies throughout the world are being asked to account for historic abuses and provide redress to victims. Some of these historical injustices involve events occurring a century or more ago.  In Ireland, this applies to a large scale system of institutionalisation and traumatic legacies of the past that continue to exist outside of the official State commemoration program, in the present-day narrative of survivors of injustice who are reflecting back and participating in political and legal actions seeking redress and retribution.
A recasting of the version of commemoration (the action of commemorating a person or past event) that has been emphasized in the official ‘decade of centenaries’ program in Ireland. An alternative approach as also concerned with historical accountability and truthful remembering, capable of including profound injustices and abuses of power that occurred in their own time but which remain a disruptive element of the present, is proposed.
Historical accountability has been deployed to better understand how aspects of the past (such as the Trans-Atlantic slave trade) both operated at the time and created a culture that is still present. The concept can be understood in different ways, including in terms of ‘giving an account’ of oppression, violence or brutalization by conducting methodologically sound, evidence-based research and as ‘being accountable’ in scholarship to groups or individuals ignored, eclipsed and excluded from generalized accounts of society and the collective memory of nations. The analysis provided in the longer paper attached suggests that historical accountability should be a more central consideration in a program of national commemoration claiming to address difficult questions about the past.

Friday 18 January 2019

Article on Sexual Violence and the Irish Revolution in the Irish Times, January 10th 2019

Sexual violence: a dark secret of War of Independence and Civil War


Commemorations must not ignore horrific acts such as shorning and rape of women


Thursday, Jan 10, 2019 in the Irish Times

https://www.irishtimes.com/opinion/sexual-violence-a-dark-secret-of-war-of-independence-and-civil-war-1.3752556


Linda Connolly


As Ireland enters a new phase of centenary commemorations, a glimpse into the more horrific aspects of the War of Independence and Civil War is anticipated. During armed conflicts, women’s bodies also become battlefields and Ireland’s revolution was no different.
Transgressive violence was perpetrated against women but it disappeared from public discourse after the Civil War due to conservative attitudes towards women, sex and sexuality in the new State, combined with a desire to forget the worst atrocities of the war. The absence of a truth or reconciliation process ensured any violence that was perpetrated against women during the revolution could be concealed or forgotten.
The forced shorning of women’s hair was widespread. Elizabeth Bloxham, a Cumann na mBan activist, recalled in her Bureau of Military History witness statement: “These were the days when girls were roughly searched and had their hair cut off by British soldiers.” Peg Broderick-Nicholson from Galway described how she was called out from her bed and had her hair cut “. . . to the scalp with very blunt scissors”. Irish rebels meted out this punishment in equal measure.
The sexual justification for “bobbing” women was described by Leo Buckley, of the Cork no 1 Brigade, IRA: “I remember at the time, young girls from Cork going out to Ballincollig to meet the British soldiers. We curbed this by bobbing the hair of persistent offenders. Short hair was completely out of fashion at the period and the appearance of a girl with ‘bobbed’ hair clearly denoted her way of life.”

Policing sexuality

The “way of life” remark indicates policing women’s sexuality was a motive behind such shearing. In another incident, Michael Higgins of Belclare, Galway, recalled how holy water was evocatively thrown as the hair of a young woman was forcibly cut for passing on information to an RIC officer she was considered close to.
For decades, historians of the Irish revolution either completely omitted discussion of attacks on women or considered them “lenient” punishment, with men presumed to have experienced the worst atrocities of the revolution.
This is in stark contrast to the histories of much larger wars conducted in Belgium, France and Germany and civil wars elsewhere, including in Spain and Greece, where the head shaving of women has sparked immense debates about the sexual, gender and power relations exhibited by this form of punishment.
Hair shorning was and is a serious assault. Frequently, it hurt and traumatised women because of the force involved. Mary Alleway, for example, active in the Youghal branch of Cumann na mBan, described in her military service pension application how she was beaten by British troops and had her hair cut off, while her house was raided several times. The public humiliation and stigma of having a scalped head within the community followed. First-hand accounts reveal that hair could also be pulled and roughly handled with other injuries and harassment also inflicted (such as cuts from shears or razors, physical assault, beatings, shouting/verbal abuse, undressing, dragging, mob behaviour and sexual assault or rape).
In May 2018, the Military Service Pensions Collection project published new files in relation to 1,442 people online. Asylums, institutionalisation and nervous breakdowns feature in pension applications along with reports of gender-based and sexual violence.
One woman in Ireland’s revolution was subjected to a horrific gang rape by 'three masked National Army members'
Delia Begley from Ennis suffered a nervous breakdown after attending men who were wounded while making explosives in 1919 and which later saw her in the care of the Sisters of Charity religious order. Mollie O’Shea, active in the Cumann na mBan Kerry no 1 brigade, suffered lifelong insanity after the revolution. Mollie suffered a nervous breakdown after her brother was killed in what is considered the Civil War’s worst atrocity, the blowing up of eight anti-Treaty prisoners by Free State troops in Ballyseedy, Co Kerry, in 1923. The file details the trauma suffered by Mollie during the Civil War, including an “outrage” after which she was “very ill”.
Gang rape
Margaret Doherty from Foxford, Co Mayo, was one of the women in Ireland’s revolution subjected to a horrific gang rape by “three masked National Army members”. Margaret’s application made on her behalf states she died in 1928 in “the mental hospital” in Castlebar as a consequence of her ordeal.
In all these cases, the detrimental impact of violence on the physical and mental health of the women is clear. Other documented cases of transgressive violence include the gang rape of a Mrs Biggs in Co Tipperary by anti-Treaty men and the murder of 45-year-old Kate Maher in Dundrum, Co Tipperary, last seen in the company of British soldiers from the Lincolnshire regiment, in the local pub.
Kate was found dead with extensive vaginal wounds and a blow to the head with a blunt instrument, and nobody was found guilty in a military investigation. The Cork’s War of Independence Fatality Register notes that Bridget Noble from Castletownbere first had her hair cropped as a warning before she was ultimately killed by the IRA for not ceasing to be an informer.
The experience of women must be considered if the commemoration of the War of Independence and Civil War is to seriously address the most difficult questions of the past. The question of the scale of violence against women, when compared to larger-scale wars or World Wars, is a moot point. Gender-based violence occurred and it is an aspect of the revolution that has been hidden, suppressed and denied for too long.

--------------------
Full working paper on this subject can be downloaded here: click here

http://eprints.maynoothuniversity.ie/10416/

Interrogating Commemoration: Reconciling women’s ‘troubled’ and ‘troubling’ history in centennial Ireland

Please do not use the contents of this blog in public presentations and media work (including in radio/television interviews, documentaries...